Petropolitik, Sapian and China - Ninth in a Continuing Series

Since it might prove hopeless for us to compete against China for limited petroleum supply, we should rather focus our energy to develop our agriculture. It was believed that we could not industrialize without modernizing our agriculture; now that we might never industrialize, it is the more reason to modernize our agriculture and small and medium enterprises (SMEs).

Projects in Negros and Bulacan deserve notice because they transcended limitations of land sizes. Size of lands has always been a perennial obstacle in economies-of-scale rice farming, especially since parcel sizes continue to be reduced as properties are passed down from generation to generation. In two barrios of Silay, Negros Occidental, farmers surveyed their properties, measured each parcel and valued them into commensurate share of ownership in a cooperative. Then, using their combined lands as collateral, they applied for multi-million Land Bank loan, bought tractors, seeders, and built post-harvest facilities. Then, they destroyed the pilapils, flattened their farmlands, installed irrigation system, and hired an agriculturist. They themselves have rotated turns in Board of Directors, as company officials, and as drivers and manual laborers. A similar project in Santa Maria, Bulacan, involves hundreds of farmers who established a self-sufficient, chicken production plant. They planted corn, manufactured feeds, raised chicken, produced eggs, processed meat, and hired sales and delivery staff to market their products. Their conveyor-based processing plant, which looks more like a Magnolia plant, was worth nearly P25 million. In Leyte, instead of selling copra, a cooperative built a coconut oil mill worth about P1.25 million. Because of profitability, they expanded to two more plants. Later, Japanese businessmen imported their coconut oil to be processed into special lubricant for high precision instruments. Now, they are reaping the benefits of their entrepreneurship.

FVR’s trip to Samar-Leyte was memorable. I was the point-person on the visit’s leg to Calbayog, Western Samar. So, I contacted the province, made all the arrangements and prepared the itinerary. On the morning of our ocular inspection, my alarm did not go off and woke up at 7:00 a.m., which was our take off time. I jumped up and sped to Villamor Air Base’s 205 Presidential Airlift Wing. When I arrived 45 minutes later, everyone, including Colonel Hermogenes Ebdane, then Deputy Commander of the Presidential Security Group (now DPWH Secretary), was already aboard the plane. People did not talk much to me until we arrived at Romualdez International Airport in Tacloban. Our aircraft stopped at the regional composite force helipads and we quickly boarded two waiting Hueys. After a brief warm up, we took off and I was relieved that my tardiness no longer matters. After about 15 minutes airborne through the coastline, the Huey in front turned back, then we followed. Soon we were back in Tacloban airport. The pilot of our Huey said that since we left too late that morning, return flight from Calbayog could be impossible because of thickened cloud cover that day. Now I had cold-chills again. Stranded after 10:00 a.m., everyone’s blaming me now. Colonel Ebdane was cool. That cool brought him to top. With no prior arrangement made on land transport, we boarded and transferred into a succession of government vehicles, practically from town to town.

We arrived in Calbayog by almost 3:00 p.m. The late Governor Jose Rono (former Deputy Prime Minister and Minister of Local Government under Marcos) patiently waited for us. Governor Rono was cool too. We ate (and cherished) a lunch that was ready since that morning and ready to spoil at that time. After an abbreviated meeting and a quick look into FVR’s venues we quickly headed back to Tacloban, non-stop this time. We arrived in Tacloban airport at around 8:30 p.m. and luckily, it is one of few domestic airports with fully operational night navigation system to support our type of aircraft. An Air Force officer joked that airport’s night instrumentation has been installed because Imelda usually flew home anytime she and Marcos had fights.   

That next day, our ocular trip was the worst in the history, I was ready to volunteer to swap with a co-worker for another visit. However, in an afternoon that next day, PSG operations staff called me that we were probably been saved by my tardiness. One of the two Huey choppers we briefly flew in exploded at sea. Everyone died, including General Orina, father of ABS-CBN anchorwoman Ces Orina-Drilon. If I remind Secretary Ebdane now, I may get a free meal in DPWH cafeteria.

Petropolitik, Sapian and China - Eighth in a Continuing Series

First, there were faults in the assumptions. Proponents say downstream deregulation will make the economy stronger and better because it will, as it should, be left upon a free market to operate. Market is said to be a self-equalizing force; that all things being equal, profit interests and buyer interest will synthesize into general welfare.  So the theory goes. But opponents argue that since there is no upstream industry to guarantee a free play of supply and prices for downstream industries, deregulation has no net positive effect because downstream entrepreneurs are still dependent on Big Three for supply. Hence, there is no real competition. Proponents believed that as soon as deregulation is announced, oil companies around the world would race to our doorsteps. But our announcements, repeated announcements, have been met by a stony silence. The reason, some say, is that giant oil companies, with their rules of engagement and protocol, would not go after each other’s throat because, as traditional economics always say, genuine competition lowers prices; and lowered mark-up prices reduces profitability. By and large, they share not only the same security and political concerns, but also the same oil wells, pipelines, refineries, transshipment facilities, tankers, borrow each others’ jets, etc. Early on, critics warned that if there would be no new players the size of the Big Three, deregulation is doomed to fail. And there were none.

Another result of deregulation is the removal of Oil Price Stabilization Fund (OPSF). OPSF is an import levy instituted by Marcos and was approximately P1.25/liter in 1997. It was placed on reserve as safety net to fend ill effects of escalating gas prices. When there was sudden jolt in gas prices to soften impact to consumers, government either totally covered (subsidized) the difference in cost, or spread costs over a period of time (credit). Even at the months before deregulation, OPSF mechanism had been working very hard to stabilize unpredictable gas prices. OPSF was typically used for Forward Cost Cover (FCC) that absorbed for consumers the fluctuating price difference three months in advance. Former Energy Secretary Francisco Viray would always complain to the Cabinet how hard it was for OPSF to keep up with increasing world prices. For over three years, I was the energy “expert” on FVR Cabinet minutes. My supervisor, Director Jess Albar from a prominent Roxas City family, knowing my interests, invariably gave me all Cabinet items on energy, until the Cabinet no longer talked any OPSF or FCC.

On top of deregulation, privatization was another scourge to Philippine petroleum industry. Petron, a government petroleum company, was sold to Aramco. At that point, government had fully abdicated its last measure of influence on domestic oil prices.  Ownership of Petron had been good oil price leverage; profitability had been shoved aside in favor of national welfare. Petron saturated market with lower priced gas to upset upward pressure on gas prices. So, losing Petron ownership and having no OPSF safety net, and none of expected downstream competition, government is now left with the last front-end control. To tax or not to tax.

If we are already selling tax-free oil, and China would pay even more money for even more gas supply, we would be in big trouble. How many of us would be willing to pay P90/liter even if it’s tax-free?

Petropolitik, Sapian and China - Third in a Continuing Series

Sapian National High School (SNHS) is perched over a ridge terminating to a hill called Garrison. We were told that there was a Japanese garrison on the hill’s summit presiding on a mile long Dalit ambush area. Strategically located, it could literally shut down Poblacion from westerly traffic. In the mid-80s, Garrison peacefully ruled over the northwest side of Poblacion. It gave a good view of Sapian Bay and beyond it, Sibuyan Sea. On a nice weather, silhouette of Sibuyan Island could be seen on a horizon that stretches to approximately 180 degrees.

For SNHS students, that was a sprawling view of the world. Exhilarating but still tangible. It should have been enough world-view for us in high school. But our economics teacher, now Professor Norma J. Flores, insisted that there’s more world to see. Our Marcos-type classrooms have corrugated steel roof riddled with holes, both from corrosion and rocks hurled by students who want to leave their mark. On a rainy day, we would joke that classes are suspended because the chalk is wet. On sunny school days, streaks of light from the holes move about the floor as the sun progressed through the day. As our teachers belabored to school us, the streaks of sunlight, slowly moving on the roughly finished pavement and through rough, dismembered chairs, have been good digression. Sometimes, they would even tell exactly how soon the next change period would be. But Miss Flores, on one warm late morning, showed us two streaks of light into world-views hitherto limited as the horizon seen from Garrison. She explained to us the concepts of geopolitics and laissez-faire. Then, she talked about agrarian reform, money velocity, inflation rate, taxation as a regulating economic mechanism, and so on. As we delve into China’s unquenchable demand for petroleum, its transformation to the league of G-8 nations, and its implications for Sapian, the economic principles that Ms. Flores taught us three decades ago are still the same.

In fairness to China, we in Sapian also benefit from its abbreviated economic transformation. It brought us cheaper goods and commodities. A decade ago, many products would have been expensive to acquire and difficult to own. But because China produces them strike-free, with depressed wages, less stringent environmental regulations, government subsidies, centrally planned production system, input distribution network, and in such very large quantities, it is now easier to acquire them in Sapian. Nike made in the U.S. could have been prohibitive than the Nike made in China today, considering that raw materials and manufacturing process are essentially the same. The lowered cost of consumer goods allowed us to enjoy conveniences we do not have today if commodities are still being manufactured in Western nations. Take the example of cheaper electronic components. Cheap ICs, memory chips and flash memories allowed manufacture of cheaper cell phones, among hundreds of electronic goods and consumer durables. My former employer, a Sunnyvale-based Advanced Micro Devices, Inc., invested billions of dollars for a wafer fab in China. A classmate in Manila who manufactures household plastic products complained that Chinese imports are killing their family company. Better quality products are being imported into the Philippines from China with less than half the price if they are made in the Philippines. In fact, their raw materials, polyethylene (PE) and polypropelene (PP), are imported from napha-crackers in China. Such that, after costs for import duties, middlemen and transport, plastic products manufactured in Manila cannot stand a chance against those from China. On the plus side, this situation benefits consumers in Sapian. But the minus on domestic industries will be taken up on a future post.

China, even with its vast capital, cheap labor, controlled industrial system, and subsidized industries, would not be where it is today without laissez-faire. Ms. Flores told us that it is French concept by an early English economist, Adam Smith, that means “produce what you want, when you want, and sell where you want, at a price you want.”

In one holistic worldview, and a little dose of contemporary history, there was a geopolitical movement soon after the downfall of the former Soviet Union to disarm China of its age-old antagonism against the West, enlist its stable and centrally-planned economy as the factory of the world, harness it cheap and educated labor force, and enter its 1.3 billion people market. After the Cold War, it was learned that when you starve an enemy nation, it gets more ruthless to its citizens and connive more against you. But if you trade more with them, laissez-faire economic forces would materially reward their participation, creating a new middle class, and hasten economic liberalization that, in the end, will democratize key socio-political institutions. A facility to do this was the decades-old General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT), an economic club meant to remove trade barriers (i.e., tariffs, import taxes) among Western nations and their junior leagues. By mid-1990s, it was expanded into a new and improved GATT/World Trade Organization (GATT/WTO).

It was designed not only to counterbalance the growing influence of European Community, but also to enlist new nations, especially China. I did not have the opportunity to tell Miss Flores how her economics effortlessly replayed on my mind as I sat few paces from former presidents Cory Aquino and Fidel Ramos in Malacanang’s State Dining Room for the frequent Cabinet deliberations on GATT/WTO and petroleum deregulation.

Petropolitik, Sapian and China - Second in a Continuing Series

Everywhere we go today, we see a proliferation of products made in China; from the simplest plastic implements to some of the most complex microprocessors.

To explain China’s voracious demand for energy, lets examine its recent economic growth. Since 2000, China’s exports tripled to over $593 trillion. Government statistics report an employment rate of nearly 97%. This industrial progress over a short period of time is unprecedented in history even in the magnitude of post World War II reconstruction. A recent report indicates that of the world’s 50 worst polluted cities (i.e., most industrially active), the top 20 are in China.

China’s great industrial transformation has put so much stress on global oil supply and distribution. China, Japan, and a dozen other countries, including the Philippines, compete over limited petroleum distribution capacity in the Far East. In 2000, China’s oil consumption was about 4 million barrels everyday, and oil price then was less than $22/barrel. Today, China’s consumption has grown to over 7 million everyday - or about 1/3 of the total world oil demand. China is now the second largest oil consumer (after the U.S.), and third largest importer (after U.S. and Japan). China will add 5 million cars every year starting this year. A comparison, the Philippine oil consumption is merely 312,000 barrels per day.

Supply is increasing in arithmetical rate while demand increase in geometric proportion. Saudi Arabia is frantically pumping its wells double time to stabilize prices. But China’s growing demand and cold cash would quickly absorb the buffer supply. OPEC members, in cohort with oil cartels, seem to enjoy the world attention to volatile Middle East and ripples by Venezuela and Bolivia that even an isolated kidnapping in Nigeria would bring them billions in windfall income.

But China could not live on oil alone. It also needs food to feed its army of factory workers and emerging industrialists Since we missed economic take off many times, we may have been destined to be the food producers. In fact, we have our comparative advantages over China. One of them, their coastline is only 14,500 kilometers - we have 36,000. Reason why China permanently encroach into our 200-mile Exclusive Economic Zone.

A few weeks ago, my former boss, Demetrio Ignacio, now Undersecretary of Department of Environment and Natural Resources (DENR), participated in a signing ceremony for an agreement with Fuhua Agricultural Group of China. Fuhua is investing $5 billion for a food industrial park and in planting one million hectares of hybrid corn in Camarines Sur, Lanao del Norte, Isabela, Occidental Mindoro, Tarlac and Nueva Ecija. http://www.newsflash.org/2004/02/be/be003383.htm

We need more export-oriented agro-industrial projects like this. It’s the only way to offset our widening trade deficit and to brace up for the oil crisis that is yet to come. Oil situation would worsen by the day as high gas prices would cause inflation. But who knows, inflation, among other adverse economic implications like higher interest rates and minimum wages, would increase production cost in developed countries. The recourse would be to move factories to countries with cheaper labor, as long as they are not very corrupt, has political stability, uninterrupted electricity, and guarantee no labor strikes.

Petropolitik, Sapian and China

The recent upsurge in world petroleum prices brought uncertainty to the global economy and brought stark reminders of the oil crisis of the 70s. In 1981, Ms. Ligaya Ofalla-Oro gave me an oratorical piece at a Sapian National High School contest. The topic was on oil crisis. It was surreal for me; all I had was a bicycle. Sapian then, while closely entwined with global petropolitik, did not have strong demand for gasoline.

In any event, it is worth to revisit. The oil crisis three decades ago was a showdown between the cartelized Western transnational oil companies and oil producing autocracies united under the then newly formed Organization of Oil Producing Countries (OPEC). OPEC, including the former USSR, brandished its newfound power at the height of Cold War, primarily against the United States, the largest petroleum trader and consumer. The induced shortage due to lowered supply was to assert OPEC power - a purely political theme.

At that time, impact on Sapian was muted. The highway system was in sad state so very few invested on vehicles even in Poblacion. Traffic of public transport plying Bilao-Damayan-Roxas City was probably less than one every hour. As such, per capital petroleum consumption, diesel at that, had been negligible. So no one really cared much about oil prices more than whines from commuters. Capiz Electric Cooperative (CAPELCO) had only installed power transmission lines so consumers did not really have any historical sense of increasing prices. The first flicker of incandescent was enough consolation. Probably, the worst impact may have been upon fisherfolks using motorzied boats, but gas burden may have quickly dissipated in upstream pricing of their abundant catch. In fact, it was the early start of the future boom on fishery export to Iloilo and Manila. At the whole, Sapian was isolated from the petroleum crisis, so I mumbled my oil crisis piece with pure detachment from the issue.

Thirty years hence, oil crisis came back with a vengeance. This time, it is the same assertion by OPEC autocracies, but it comes with genuine economic supply-demand dimension - the enormous demand by China. In this sense, crisis has metamorphosed from a basically artificial political pressure in the ’70s to one that’s a real economic pressure to supply and demand. China is a cash economy, in fact, a debt-free, highly liquid economy, with the state having infinite power over economic fundamentals. For all practical purposes, China is able and willing to pay any cost to sustain its industrial transformation. Naturally, oil producers and traders, even with the best of their intentions, would have to give in. In short, all pipelines now lead to China.

Sapian, 30 years later, has a gas demand of its own. The improved road system has encouraged ownership of vehicles. Although impact on mobility could be cushioned off by readily available public transport network, transportation costs would have to take its toll. Power connections to the farthest households in the Municipality integrate most Sapianons to bunker fuel demand. Cost of production would markedly increase in agriculture and fisheries, including aqua culture, because practically all input are imported. Increases to our prices to offset the cost of production make our products less competitive than, say, Thailand or Vietnam. The Philippines does not have any control over oil supply and production and the government has very little macroeconomic control mechanisms (e.g., interest rates, taxes, etc.) - so much underground economy. Since buying power in Sapian can only stretch so far, the immediate observable result would be cuts in non-essentials, diminished general local demand, and reduced production, and net a economic slowdown.

Thirty years hence, Mrs. Ligaya Oro’s piece is more relevant than ever. In fact, it is a stark reminder at the onset of what could be a greater economic challenge for Sapian and the world for years to come. So, next, we will discuss more about the challenges and opportunities for Sapian in the midst of the brewing oil shortage and the industrializing China.